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fraud has always been essential part of the U.S. election process

789

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quote]

At the second session of the United States Congress, 1791-93, James Jackson contested the election of Anthony Wayne from Georgia, charging:

That the election in Effingham County was contrary to law, being held under the inspection of three persons, one of whom was a justice of the peace, although the law requires that all three shall be justices; (2) that there were 9 more votes given than there were duly qualified voters in the county; (3) that the votes of Glynn County were suppressed, the return of them having been committed to the Hon. Judge Osborne, who had taken them to transmit them to the governor, but instead thereof had conveyed them to Anthony Wayne, the sitting member; (4) that after the closing of the legal poll of the county of Camden the return of the votes (being 15 for General Wayne and 10 for General Jackson, the petitioner) was delivered to Judge Osborne, the presiding officer, who with some other persons, did afterwards hold a second election, and augmented the votes considerably in favor of General Wayne; (5) undue and corrupt practices at the election, as the setting down the names of persons as voters who were not present, and the keeping back the tax returns for the county of Camden, which was the only check upon the persons offering to vote.


Congress unanimously voted to unseat Anthony Wayne, but after long debate refused to seat James Jackson, declaring the seat vacant instead. At the following Congress the election of Francis Preston from Virginia was contested on the ground of violence, intimidation, and irregularities in the conduct of the election. It appeared that a company of Federal troops, stationed near the voting place in one county, had intimidated the voters. A number of altercations and fights occurred during the day, a magistrate was knocked down by troops, and voters were refused admission at the polling place if they stated that they were going to vote for the petitioner. The defense made for the sitting member was that "riots and intimidation were an established custom and quite a matter of course in all Southern elections of the time." The sitting member retained his seat.

Practically every session of Congress from that time until the present has witnessed numerous election contests, practically all based upon allegations of voting frauds and irregularities. The informal methods with which elections were conducted in many communities during the early history of the country is somewhat humorously illustrated by the following summary of the procedure in one voting precinct in Tennessee in the election of 1828:

In the precinct of Berry's, Claibourne County, a large gourd was used as a (ballot) box; on the evening of the first day it was stopped and tied with a handkerchief and taken charge of by one of the inspectors who locked it in his house overnight. There was no evidence of fraud, and the officers of election were proved to be men of good character.


A few years later it was proved in a congressional contested election that in one Philadelphia precinct the officers were sworn on a city directory instead of the Bible, and took oath "to do justice by their party."

Violence and intimidation at the polls, which now have all but disappeared, were formerly quite common. In a contested congressional election case in 1857 from Maryland, the committee report, as summarized by Chester Rowell, stated:

The committee quoted from the governor's message on the subject, the proclamation of the mayor, and the accounts in non-partisan newspapers to show that it was a generally conceded fact that the election in question was marked by riots and violence. It was claimed by some that the disturbances were the results of attacks by members of the American Party upon naturalized citizens, and by others that the foreign born citizens were the aggressors; but in either case the effect upon the validity of the election would be the same. The fatal results of the riots at previous elections had left the city in a state of alarm, and the rioters at this election took advantage of this feeling and were largely able to exercise the same intimidation as at previous elections, without the necessity of resorting to the same degrees of violence. An abstract of all the testimony was given, showing at each precinct the presence of large bodies of excited men, who prevented the Democratic challengers from acting and intimidated the Democratic voters, especially those of foreign birth, from approaching the polls. Individual cases of assault were shown at most of the polls. The witnesses for the sitting member, on the other hand, testified that the election was much quieter than usual, and that the pushing and shouting around the polls was not such as to prevent anyone from voting who desired to do so.


===========================


The elections in Pittsburgh in 1927 and 1929 were subject to scrutiny by reason of a recount, and the ballots and returns were carefully inspected. As a result of the 1927 recount, which revealed flagrant frauds, a large number of precinct officers were prosecuted, and, after the completion of a test case, many of them pleaded guilty and were sentenced.

The 1929 recount, for which detailed data are available, showed quite clearly that the organization was not ready to give up its fraudulent practices without a fight. While, in the main, the returns corresponded to the ballots in the box, a close scrutiny of the ballots in the box showed many ballots fraudulently marked. Large numbers of ballots, running in many precincts to over a hundred each, were marked by one or a very few persons, usually identical in the persons voted for. Part of these were accounted for by the heavy assisted vote, but by no means all. Ballots containing "phantom" crosses were found in forty of the seventy-six precincts inspected. Phantom marked ballots indicate that they were marked while they were stacked up in a pile. Obviously this could not happen to a ballot marked legally in the voting booth. As the report of the investigating committee stated: "Nobody has been able to suggest to the recount board how phantom crosses can be supposed to come upon ballots in any legal manner, therefore it appears that these 356 phantom ballots is evidence of the practice of fraud in connection with the ballots among which it was found."

The chairman of the 1929 recount board, Mr. Ward Bonsall, who was experienced in election recounts, with great care proceeded to scrutinize the ballots of the seventy-six precincts recounted. The clerks who conducted the recount were able to identify groups of ballots which had been marked by the same person, and also groups on which crosses had been made on the same ballot by two persons, and to detect alterations, or other evidences of fraud.

/quote]
 
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Buck

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Excellent!

i thought there, for a moment, they wouldn't have any Case Law or precedent to fall back on

Go Fraudsters! there's nothing to stop you

:2 thumbs up:
 

EO 11110

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obama lost his second try

bush jr lost his second try

death penalty for riggers
 

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Case Law or precedent
You don't have to go too far back for that. Just look up and read what Antonin Scalia (then member of the Supremes, appointed by Ronald Reagan) had to say on the subject when the case of Bush and Gore was presented to him in December 2000. By 2000 Mr. Scalia was an old hand and a familiar of vote fraud. 15 years earlier, shortly before he was nominated, he had actively participated in squashing the attempt by the Collier brothers to have Votescam examined in a court room.

In September 1985, U.S. Court of Appeals Judge Ruth Ginsberg (future member of Supremes) ruled, the Collier brothers should be allowed to present their Votescam case in Federal District Court.
When we first filed the lawsuit against Donsanto it was dismissed. Then a two-judge appeal court panel, made up of judge Skelly Wright and judge Ruth Bader Ginsberg, remanded our case to a Federal District Court. It was supposed to be heard by whichever judge received the case in routine rotation.

The Republican machine thought otherwise, Mr. Scalia was put to work, and the Colliers were summarily denied, in a closed-door session.



_____________________

quote]
A committee of the House of Representatives which investigated the election frauds in connection with the election of 1868 reported:

On the 30th and 31st of October, when only two days intervened until the day of the election, gangs or bodies of men hired for the purpose, assembled at these headquarters where they were furnished with names and numbers, and under a leader or captain, they went out in ones and twos and threes and tens and dozens, in nearly every part of the city, registering many times each, and when the day of election came these repeaters, supplied abundantly with intoxicating drinks, and changing coats, hats, or caps, as occasion required to avoid recognition or detection, commenced the work of "voting early and often," and this was carried on by these vagabonds until, wearied and drunken, night closed on the stupendous fraud which their depravity had perpetrated.

With all the concealment which cunning could invent, or perjury secure, or bribery purchase, or the fear of punishment inspire, or the dread of violence from bands of conspirators and democratic desperadoes could command, or the blandishment of more accomplished knaves could entice, or the hopes of office could buy, or fear of the loss of place could bring, all of which would naturally conspire to throw obstacles in the way of or defeat the investigation of the committee, it is by no means possible that the extent of these frauds has been revealed, even in any one ward.



------


Philadelphia has been notorious for many years for its election frauds. Before the requirement of personal registration in 1906, it was commonly said that all of the signers of the Declaration of Independence still regularly voted in the city. In the early case of Page v. Allen, Justice Reed said:
I was counsel for Mr. Kneass in 1851 and for Mr. Mann in 1856 and from what I saw in those contested elections I was fully convinced that the election laws were totally ineffective in preventing frauds, and subsequent exposures have confirmed me in my opinion. In some districts of the city's plague spots fraudulent voting is the rule and honest voting the exception.

In 1894 it was estimated by the Philadelphia Times that there were 50,000 fraudulent names on the assessors' lists in Philadelphia. The Press, a leading Republican paper, estimated the number at 80,000. At this time the assessment lists constituted the registration system for the city. The method of padding the registration (assessment) lists and carrying on voting frauds was brought out in the case of Commonwealth v. Hogan, as summarized in an editorial in the Record at the time:

That the assessor of the division kept a house of prostitution.
That he padded the list with fraudulent names registered from his house.
That two of the names used as election officers were assessed from his house.
That he was already under a criminal charge for like frauds as assessor.
That a burglar only a month out of prison acted as an election officer under the name of one of the regular officers.
That this burglar had formerly lived in the assessor's house and had been registered therefrom.
That the constable of the division likewise kept a disreputable house and had the assessor's list padded with fraudulent names as living in his house.
That two others of the pretended election officers were assessed from that infamous place.
That the constable's son fraudulently acted as election officer under the name of someone else.
That a policeman was likewise assessed as living in this abominable resort.
That the major part of more than 200 names on the assessor's list were registered from brothels, badger houses, gaming houses, and other places of revolting wickedness.
That the election was held in the house of prostitution maintained by the assessor.
That the man named as judge had also a criminal charge for a like offense pending against him.
That 252 votes were returned in a division that had less than 100 legal votes within its boundaries.

One man who was convicted of repeating in the November election of 1898, admitted that he had voted thirty-eight times, while another confessed to having voted thirty-three times at that election.

Intimidation also played an important role in the carrying of elections, especially intimidation by policemen. The Municipal League of Philadelphia issued a pamphlet entitled "Stumbling Blocks" following the election of November 1900, citing ten cases of brutal police interference and intimidation at the polls.



a significant and interesting account of the election frauds in the Republican primary and in the general election of 1925. The interest in the Republican primary (which, of course, is equivalent to an election in Pennsylvania) centered around the contest between Benjamin Renshaw and Leopold Glass for one of the judgeships in the municipal court. Renshaw had been appointed by Governor Pinchot to fill a vacancy; Glass was the nominee of the Republican machine. The candidacy of Judge Renshaw would not have been taken seriously but for the fact that the re-election of the sitting judge was traditional.

The Republican organization was intent upon winning the election because of the fact that there were some six hundred employees under the municipal court, involving an annual pay roll of approximately $1,000,000. As the primary campaign drew to a close, the nomination of Glass was generally conceded, but the actual results exceeded the expectations of the organization leaders. The vote stood: Glass, 229,077; Renshaw, 72,600.

In division after division, huge totals piled up for Glass, while not a single vote was recorded for Renshaw. In many sections of the city 300 to 0 was a typical division vote. And then came the reaction. Scores of letters were sent to Judge Renshaw by outraged citizens who declared that although they and many of their friends had voted for him, ciphers were placed opposite his name on the tally sheet displayed outside their polling place. The "errors" were not confined to one division or ward, but were found in practically every part of Philadelphia.

Judge Renshaw charged that he had been cheated out of at least fifty thousand votes. The Committee of Seventy, an organization of citizens which had worked for years for clean elections in Philadelphia, took up the case of Judge Renshaw and started out to make a door-to-door canvass in some of the zero divisions to secure affidavits from voters who had voted for him. The organization was thoroughly frightened and proceeded to warn the voters. In one precinct the Vare division leader received word that his precinct was to be investigated only a few minutes before the representatives of the Committee of Seventy arrived. From house to house he and his workers went telling the residents always that "The Committee of Seventy is coming. When you are asked if you voted for Renshaw, say you never heard of him." When the representatives of the Committee of Seventy called, they had the same reply house after house: "Renshaw ? We never heard of him." Later on many of the residents complained that they had been deceived; they expected a committee of seventy, and only two persons appeared. The division leader who later told the story said:

"It wasn't that we were afraid that they would find somebody who had voted for Renshaw. My division is made up mostly of foreigners who can be depended upon to do the right thing. But many of those whose ballots were cast never went to the polls, and we couldn't let them tell the committee that they stayed home on election day."



/quote]
 

edsl48

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An excerpt from "The Jungle" written by Upton Sinclair regarding Chicago voting practices at the turn of the Century.

A month or two later Jurgis had another interview with this same man, who told him where to go to "register." And then finally, when election day came, the packing houses posted a notice that men who desired to vote might remain away until nine that morning, and the same night watchman took Jurgis and the rest of his flock into the back room of a saloon, and showed each of them where and how to mark a ballot, and then gave each two dollars, and took them to the polling place, where there was a policeman on duty especially to see that they got through all right. Jurgis felt quite proud of this good luck till he got home and met Jonas, who had taken the leader aside and whispered to him, offering to vote three times for four dollars, which offer had been accepted.
 

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Psychopaths will do ANYTHING to get a "seat of power" in order to wreak havoc on the lives of others. They truly ARE the enemy of the people.
 

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And these people, who used to stuff ballot-boxes, didn't change or give up when voting machines and computers arrived, they merely updated and refined their methods.
When the computers arrived, there was already a pre-existing tradition, structure, organization, custom of managing fraudulent elections.
As Reno said in 1974, if I prosecute this, every sherif, judge, mayor, attorney &c. who got his job through election in Dade County, has to resign ---so, get out, and take your Votescam file with you where the Sun don't shine.

quote]
Our skepticism was founded in the lore of Dade County polecat politics, circa 1959, when perhaps the most important election ever held in the region took place. It was a county-wide referendum in which each of the 27 separate municipalities in Dade County were asked to give up their power to govern themselves autonomously. They were being asked instead to turn over self-governing power to the proposed "Metropolitan Government," or Metro, for short.

Opposition to the "power grab" was fierce and the debate dominated the press for months before the balloting. The Miami Herald strongly backed the proposition. The Metro Charter, a set of rules defining the powers of Metro-Dade, was written by Miami Herald lawyer Dan Paul. The Charter was a product of many consultations with the insiders, who met regularly in the UM boardroom, under the twin chairmanship of Herald publisher John Knight and U.M. President Henry King Stanford.

The voluntary divestiture of power by Dade's cluster of independent cities would bring about a whole new way of governing, tax collecting, public servicing, public contracting and election administration. Billions of dollars in commercial and property futures were at stake. The Fifties were drawing to a close.

The architects of regional government viewed their new model of governance by "experts" as a new era. No longer would there be dependence on charismatic publicly elected officials, whose credentials to lead often consisted of no more than a willingness to shake every hand in the neighborhood.

Elite planners sought to diminish the power of mayors, chiefs of police and local heroes of one kind or another who influence public policy. In their place, operating largely behind-the-scenes with no accountability to the public, would be Public Administration Service (PAS) graduates, trained to be loyal to the Charter. More often than not, the county manager came from a different part of the country. It was to be government by "grid," so that personnel from PAS could be nimbly interchanged throughout the United States, without fanfare, to fill advisory "slots," such as county manager.

As the 1959 Metro referendum drew near, citizens who preferred the old-fashioned way of governing banded together with such vigor that a Miami News poll conducted by houndstooth-clean editor Bill Baggs showed Metro was headed for a kick in the ass and down to defeat. (The News was still independent in those days.) Baggs commented that it would be surprising if the forces for Metro mustered any backing at all beyond the elite, special interest voters who stood to benefit financially.

Then, on election night, the electoral reality-quake struck.

Metro won, according to the votes counted on Dade's carefully tended Automatic Voting Machines. And while there was some head shaking and muttering after the results were in, the discontent was scantily reported and soon forgotten. Talk radio was a mere glitter in Larry King's eyes then.

But as years passed, old-timers began wondering aloud on the early talk radio programs if something fishy hadn't occurred back in 1959 when Metro was voted in. In 1971, a caller mentioned a group known as "the warehouse gang" as the ones most likely to be behind the original Metro election victory.
/quote]
 

the_shootist

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1625881064889.png
 

chieftain

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Fraud, the grease that keeps everything lubricated :D
 

Scorpio

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(The News was still independent in those days.)

sure they were,
scattered all over the country, smaller independents everywhere you looked,
then came the mass consolidation until we arrive to today,

but we do have to realize the media has never been this romantic altruistic version they present to you as programming,
far from it, they have always been street whores, for dough or for some twisted scoop, with truth being a solid last place finisher

many were independents, but they weren't independent
 

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**{: .break one} **
10 input x 20 input y 30 if x=2 then x=3 40 print "The sum of x + y is", x+y 50 go to 10 **


The year was 1992.
George Bush was President; William Barr was Attorney General; Robert Mueller was Assistant Attorney General.

In May of 1992, the Collier brothers, through attorney Ellis Rubin, sent a letter and information package on Votescam to Attorney General William Barr. They received a reply from Robert Mueller:---
Your recent letter addressed to Attorney General William Barr and enclosing the manuscript of a document entitled "Votescam" prepared by Kenneth and James Collier has been referred to the Criminal Division. This Division is very familiar with the Collier brothers and their claims that computerized voting equipment used throughout the United States to tabulate votes has been fraudulently manipulated as part of a national conspiracy to corrupt the outcome of elections. The information that we have received from the two complainants has failed to demonstrate any support for their thesis. For that reason, we do not consider that the matter referred to in the attachment to your letter warrant a criminal investigation by the Department of Justice.

Votescam: the stealing of America

___________________________________________________
quote]

Chicago Daily News, April 7, 1928:

Hoodlums Ready for Vote Thefts
Sluggers and Kidnappers Massed to Save
Crowe-Thompson Ticket

Armed hoodlums by the score have been summoned to serve Tuesday, primary day, as the shock troops of an army of "floaters," "stingers," short pencil artists and ballot crooks who will jam Crowe-Thompson bailiwicks in a desperate attempt to steal the election for their favorite candidates.

Investigation by the Daily News reveals that sluggers, gunmen, kidnappers and hoodlums, well trained in terroristic tactics, are being signed up for electoral work in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 13th, 17th, 20th, 24th, 27th, 29th, 30th, 42nd, 43rd, and 50th wards among others.

In the 1st ward, where Danny Serritella is carrying the Crowe-Thompson banner for committeeman, a small army of men and women are being lined up to vote early and often. Known hoodlums have been frequenting the last few days a small office that Serritella is using at 407 Garrick building, 64 West Randolph Street.

Abe Ahrends, whilom bouncer at Colisimo's and with a long and unsavory record, will be in charge of the shock troops.

In the 2nd and 3rd wards, where there were signs of revolt against Mayor Thompson's dominance, Dan Jackson, Oscar DePriest, and George Kersey have retained a battalion of common soldiers to mop up after Johnny Woolley, Jack Hardy, Harry Lewis, Parter Hudson, Jeff Starks and other "bad men" of the district do their stuff.

The 13th ward, out near the stockyards, the scene of three ballot-box robberies last primary day, appears scheduled for further hectic times. Johnny (Dingbat) Oberta, protege and lieutenant of Joe Saltis, south side beer baron, is running for republican ward committeeman and state senator.

Oberta, playing lustily on an "America First" calliope, will have the moral and military support of Saltis and Paddy Sullivan and there are reports that even Frank McErlane and his brother Vincent, names to be reckoned with in games where pistols are trumps, may come out of their semi-retirement to aid Oberta.

The 20th ward, where anything might happen ---and usually does--- will see a fine turnout of the militia. Morris Eller, long the boss there, is seeking nomination for his old job as sanitary trustee and has pledged himself to carry the ward for the Crowe-Thompson ticket. "Leggie" Philipps, Izzy Hochstein and Isadore Goldberg are in as training for Tuesday. Their efforts will be aided by such members of the "Forty-Twos" as are not in jail.

In the 24th ward, "stingers" headquarters are to be maintained in a lunchroom at 1225 South Kedzie Avenue, owned by Bennie Glazer, and Ben "Zuckie" Zuckerman will be in charge. The Mayor Grill, a bar operated by Hirschie Miller at 13th Street and Kedzie Avenue, will also be a gathering place for the hoodlum clan.

/quote]

---Is it surprise that JFK (seeing that, handsome as he was, he couldn't win against Nixon in a fair election) asked the Chicago mob to help him become President ? they were well-trained, well-experienced, old-hands
 

newmisty

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Psychopaths will do ANYTHING to get a "seat of power" in order to wreak havoc on the lives of others. They truly ARE the enemy of the people.
"The selfish human heart is the poisonous root of all evil"
 

Buck

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The year was 1992.
George Bush was President; William Barr was Attorney General; Robert Mueller was Assistant Attorney General.

In May of 1992, the Collier brothers, through attorney Ellis Rubin, sent a letter and information package on Votescam to Attorney General William Barr. They received a reply from Robert Mueller:---


Votescam: the stealing of America

___________________________________________________
quote]

Chicago Daily News, April 7, 1928:

Hoodlums Ready for Vote Thefts
Sluggers and Kidnappers Massed to Save
Crowe-Thompson Ticket

Armed hoodlums by the score have been summoned to serve Tuesday, primary day, as the shock troops of an army of "floaters," "stingers," short pencil artists and ballot crooks who will jam Crowe-Thompson bailiwicks in a desperate attempt to steal the election for their favorite candidates.

Investigation by the Daily News reveals that sluggers, gunmen, kidnappers and hoodlums, well trained in terroristic tactics, are being signed up for electoral work in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 13th, 17th, 20th, 24th, 27th, 29th, 30th, 42nd, 43rd, and 50th wards among others.

In the 1st ward, where Danny Serritella is carrying the Crowe-Thompson banner for committeeman, a small army of men and women are being lined up to vote early and often. Known hoodlums have been frequenting the last few days a small office that Serritella is using at 407 Garrick building, 64 West Randolph Street.

Abe Ahrends, whilom bouncer at Colisimo's and with a long and unsavory record, will be in charge of the shock troops.

In the 2nd and 3rd wards, where there were signs of revolt against Mayor Thompson's dominance, Dan Jackson, Oscar DePriest, and George Kersey have retained a battalion of common soldiers to mop up after Johnny Woolley, Jack Hardy, Harry Lewis, Parter Hudson, Jeff Starks and other "bad men" of the district do their stuff.

The 13th ward, out near the stockyards, the scene of three ballot-box robberies last primary day, appears scheduled for further hectic times. Johnny (Dingbat) Oberta, protege and lieutenant of Joe Saltis, south side beer baron, is running for republican ward committeeman and state senator.

Oberta, playing lustily on an "America First" calliope, will have the moral and military support of Saltis and Paddy Sullivan and there are reports that even Frank McErlane and his brother Vincent, names to be reckoned with in games where pistols are trumps, may come out of their semi-retirement to aid Oberta.

The 20th ward, where anything might happen ---and usually does--- will see a fine turnout of the militia. Morris Eller, long the boss there, is seeking nomination for his old job as sanitary trustee and has pledged himself to carry the ward for the Crowe-Thompson ticket. "Leggie" Philipps, Izzy Hochstein and Isadore Goldberg are in as training for Tuesday. Their efforts will be aided by such members of the "Forty-Twos" as are not in jail.

In the 24th ward, "stingers" headquarters are to be maintained in a lunchroom at 1225 South Kedzie Avenue, owned by Bennie Glazer, and Ben "Zuckie" Zuckerman will be in charge. The Mayor Grill, a bar operated by Hirschie Miller at 13th Street and Kedzie Avenue, will also be a gathering place for the hoodlum clan.

/quote]

---Is it surprise that JFK (seeing that, handsome as he was, he couldn't win against Nixon in a fair election) asked the Chicago mob to help him become President ? they were well-trained, well-experienced, old-hands
and history repeats again and again and again.....

amazing
 

Buck

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i've noticed

and everyone 'turned a blind eye' and called it justice


there are even college degrees in political criminality, i don't think they're called that, but that's what they teach, the long con

while we end up with a retard as a shepherd, over and over again
 

789

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Albany Argus, September 1, 1840.
At the fall election of 1838, Ritner and the "Whig" party in Pennsylvania, now the leading friends of Harrison in that State, sought to retain their power by the most atrocious violations of the integrity of the ballot-box. The monstrous frauds in Adams county ---Thaddeus Stevens's county--- are notorious, and beyond contradiction. They have become matter of history, and stand out, dark and damning exhibitions of the desperation and profligacy to which Federalism will descend when the emergency is the hope or the hazard of political power. Upwards of 1,100 spurious votes were brought into a single township of that county; and 1,200 majority obtained Mr. Ritner, where before nor since has the poll exceeded 150 votes !

The stupendous fraud, the 900 fake entries on the Philadelphia registry, and all the invasions of the franchise which marked the course of the Federal dynasty in the Keystone State, in its great struggle for the continuance of power, were unavailing. But, although beaten by the honest votes of the people, Ritner and his desperate adjuncts were resolved to hold, by a usurpation more audacious and profligate than any then known to our history, what they were not able to conquer even by the boldest violation of the suffrage. Instead of submitting to the decision of the people, (to adopt the language of an eloquent commentator upon the affair,) they determined to disregard it and retain possession of the Government of the State at every hazard.

Extra Globe, September 20, 1838.
To degrade the elective franchise still further, the Federal party are in the practice of compelling all those who are dependent upon them, to vote according to their will, at the hazard of losing employment or custom. It is thus that thousands of votes have been controlled within the last few years in New York and Philadelphia. The Federal merchant, not content with the weight in the Government which his own right of suffrage gives him, has doubled and quadrupled it by requiring his clerks, his cartman, his milkman, his shoemaker, and his tailor, to vote as he directs, on pain of losing their places or his custom. He thus, in effect, robs others of their rights and endangers his own, brings contempt on the right of suffrage, and furnishes an argument in favor of restriction.

Another Federal resort to contravene the will of the people, and prevent its becoming efficient to control the Government, is threats of violence, and sometimes actual violence, at the polls. Illustrations of this fact have been repeatedly furnished in New York and Philadelphia since the commencement of the Bank war on the Government. On one occasion the Federalists seized the arsenal in New York, and on another they armed themselves and shot down the people of Philadelphia in the streets of that city. Nothing is more common with them in many parts of the country than to hire bullies to surround the polls, to deter Democratic voters from a vindication of their rights, by menaces, and sometimes by blows. If the Democracy retaliate by meeting bully with bully, the election ground becomes a scene of violence and bloodshed, bringing reproach on free institutions and general suffrage, one of the results at which the leaders of the Federal party aim.